Sunday, January 31, 2016

Chiara Baravalle, Week 5


Assignment 1: Archive(s) 


Accessible Archives Inc.: Access online http://www.accessible-archives.com/  
Internet Archive: Access online: https://archive.org/

Assignment 2: Primary Source Bibliography


(a) Prescriptive literature (e.g. home, marriage and child-rearing manuals)

1)    William Alcott, The Young Husband, or Duties of Man in the Marriage Relation (1840) and Familiar letters to young men on various subjects: Designed as a companion to The young man's guide (1850)

Dr. William Alcott was a widely-read writer of marital advice in the mid-nineteenth century who was considered an advocate of greater family intimacy. Both The Young Husband as well as Familiar letters were intended to “elevate and reform” young men. Alcott criticized men (like himself) who threw “the whole or almost the whole responsibility of forming character, upon woman—upon the mother,” but believed there was room for improvement or “repentance”.  (The Young Husband)


2)    Catherine Beecher, A Treatise on Domestic Economy (1841)

A Treatise on Domestic Economy was one of the first complete guides to house-keeping published in America, in which Beecher argued not only that women should remain in the domestic sphere, but also that the domestic sphere was crucial to the well-being of American society. Beecher supported a rigid partition of family (breadwinning and domestic) roles between men and women, and her Treatise represented the most persuasive articulation of the theory of domesticity. In fact, Beecher confronted the contradictions of a democratic society that was not only inegalitarian but also constantly “moving and changing”, by maximizing gender differences while minimizing those of class, race, and ethnicity. Catherine Beecher’s advice will be useful for comparison to advice given by men (like William Alcott), as well as for understanding the prevalence of the cultural idealization of the ‘traditional’ American family, in which husband and wife operated in separate spheres.


3)    Henry Ward Beecher, Lectures to Young Men (1849) and John Angell James, The Young Man’s Friend (1860)

Henry Ward Beecher and John Angell Adams epitomized the male advice-writers of the mid-nineteenth-century who emphasized economic and social mobility, rather than domesticity. Both male writers urged their younger counterparts to develop the qualities of sobriety, honesty, and hard work precisely because these qualities were essential to economic success. Although both Adams and Beecher painted lurid pictures of urban corruption (e.g. prostitutes, gambling dens, and the other questionable pleasures of urban life), they did not urge their young male readers to embrace “the decent monotony” of domesticity. (Beecher) In fact, neither writer offered young men with advice on life as a husband or father operating in the home.   

Access Lectures to Young Men online via Google Books: https://books.google.com/books?id=TjvDnwWDLREC&pg=PA1#v=onepage&q&f=false



4)    Lydia Maria Child Selected Letters (1870s)

According to the letters of abolitionist and domestic writer Lydia Maria Child, her husband, David Lee Child, failed at being the effectual provider he was supposed to be as a husband. Her letters illustrate her resentment over her having to take over and retain the role of breadwinner. On the one hand, the case of David Lee Child indicates that at least a few middle-class men were ‘able’ to abandon the breadwinner role and be supported by their wives (usually writers). On the other hand, Lydia Maria Child’s exasperation with regards to her husband suggests the precarious nature of the couple’s middle-class status. More broadly, her letters hint at the contradictions of the late nineteenth-century for middle-class husband and wife.

Access online via Internet Archive: PDF downloaded

5)    Harriet Beecher Stowe, My Wife and I (1870)

In My Wife and I, Harriet Beecher Stowe ridiculed patriarchal pretensions and praised domestic men. The generational contrast between the father and husband of the heroine, Eva, reflected the cultural chasm of masculine domestic involvement between the ideology of separate spheres in the mid-nineteenth century and that of the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century, in which, supposedly, men could be referred to as ‘homemakers’ without condescendence. On the one hand, Eva’s father, Mr. Van Arsdell (a well-to-do businessman) “considered the household and all its works and ways as an insoluble mystery which he was well-pleased to leave to his wife”; his role was “to enlarge his means of satisfying the desires and aspirations of his family,” the domestic facet of which “he know little and cared less.” On the other hand, Eva’s husband, Harry Henderson, insisted that “there is no earthly reason which requires a man, in order to be manly, to be unhandy and clumsy in regard to the minutiae of domestic life.” For Harry, domestic life was always on his mind: “I think of [the house]... when I’m at work in my office, and am always wanting to come home and see it again.” Not only did Harry spend his evenings planning home decorations and improvements with his wife, but he also prized the opinions of his wife and sisters over the views “of all the doctors of divinity”. Indeed, Stowe wrote that “sooner or later the true wife becomes a mother to her husband; she guides him, cares for him, teaches him, and catechizes him in the nicest way possible.” However, even Stowe’s views about the proper role for husbands in there home were contradictory, for she too believed that  “something to be said on the importance of training men to be husbands.” The fictional example of Harry Henderson as male homemaker suggests the existence of real-life counterparts (e.g. Charles Cumings, an insurance company executive), or at least that some middle-class women hoped for greater domestic involvement on the part of their husbands.


6)    Abby Morton Diaz, A Domestic Problem (1875)

Abby Morton Diaz was a widely read author of juvenile fiction as well as a prominent Boston feminist, who tried to persuade men that egalitarians marriages were in their best interests. On the one hand, Diaz argued that women would have to be granted the rights of education and citizenship before there could be truly happy marriages. On the other hand, Diaz remarked that people were always asking her why, if women needed education for motherhood, men did not need similar training for fatherhood. To which she responded: “If men feel this need, there is nothing to prevent them from assembling… to inquire how they shall best qualify themselves to fulfill the duties of fatherhood. [I am]… under the impression that men’s clubs do not meet especially with a view to such discussion.” Diaz’s statements in A Domestic Problem suggest the extent to which greater masculine domestic involvement and women’s rights were not mutually exclusive for late nineteenth-century feminists, like Diaz.


7)    Albert Beveridge, The Young Man and the World (1905)

In The Young Man and the World, Albert Beveridge considered the implications of masculine domesticity for ‘manliness’. A senator from Indiana, historian and leading figure during the Progressive Era, Beveridge devoted much of his later life to advising young men to cultivate domestic habits and to do so in the suburbs. Although Beveridge criticized the popular argument that masculine domesticity would inevitably effeminize American culture, his belief that urban life was a direct threat to family happiness epitomized the escapist suburban flow that characterized middle-class aspirations at the turn of the twentieth century.

Access online via Internet Archive: PDF downloaded

8)    Martha and Robert Bruère, Increasing Home Efficiency (1912)

In Increasing Home Efficiency, Martha Bruère, an influential Progressive Era home economist, and her economist husband Robert, examined middle-class households of early twentieth-century America, using actual case studies of urban, suburban and farm families. They concluded: “the home is man’s affair as much as woman’s… When God made homemakers, male and female created He them!” The Bruères insisted that “a knowledge of housekeeping is not a matter of sex, but science,” so “all ought to know [it], men and women alike.” Although it is not clear that the average middle-class man was induced to take home economics courses on the advice of the Bruères, the very existence and popularity of their study suggests that middle-class men and women were giving thought to the notion of masculine domesticity, and that men were becoming more involved in the internal workings of the household.


9)    Bernarr Macfadden, Manhood and Marriage (1916)

Manhood and Marriage reflects the connections between the cult of masculinity and masculine domesticity made by male advice-givers in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century. Macfadden was a major figure in the mass culture of the early to mid-twentieth century, amassing a publishing empire based on his ownership of The New York Daily News and the magazines True Story and True Romance. Macfadden published books on health and fitness, in which he claimed that just as women should develop physical strength, men should develop their “nurturant capacities”. In Manhood and Marriage, Macfadden insisted that husbands should be present at childbirth, and that innate fatherly love was, in fact, natural. Like Albert Beveridge, Bernarr Macfadden also believed that the suburbs were the natural habitat of domestic man. Macfadden argued that the purchase of a “modest little home”, away from urban temptations, would endow young married men with a sense of stability.

Access online via Internet Archive: PDF downloaded

(b) Magazine articles

10) “A Father’s View of the Home,” The Independent 61 (1906)

The article was an anonymous “man, husband and father” response to a debate, in The Independent, between Charlotte Perkins Gilman and L. H. Harris on the “future of the family”. The author asserted that good fathers did not send their children away from home—ergo their parent’s “natural love,” and that the family as well as the larger society benefitted when “father and son… take their social enjoyments en famille.” The author wrote: “the family is the instrument, not the end… [that is] destined to some modification which will better enable it to fulfill its mission in our day.” On the one hand, the author pointed out the discrepancy between America’s “democratic system based on individual liberty” and the gendered hierarchy still characteristic of American family ideology. (See Diaz) On the other, the author predicted that economic and industrial transformations would “powerfully” alter the family, especially as women’s earning power and economic independence increased. The author concluded that, “the school, the Church, the discipline of work must supplement the home” which was the “ fulcrum from which power” over public life could be exerted. If society was an extension of the family unit, transformations in the family would no doubt reflect those in society at large. The author explained that his views were based on his experience (of being married to a woman who had gone abroad to study medicine after a year of marriage, of working in the same field as his wife, and of bringing their baby to work—thus, of bringing the epitome of the private into the public sphere), suggesting the interdependence between the culture and conduct of fatherhood. (Although all other domestic duties—namely cleaning and food preparation—continued to fall on his wife.)


11) James canfield, “The Philosophy of Staying in Harness,” Cosmopolitan 39 (1905)

In this article, James Canfield delineated “the three controlling desires of every normal man,” listing male domestic needs in first place: “His home must be more than a mere shelter… He must be able to make his house a home by adding a hearth—and there is not hearth for a man but the heart of a woman.” (10)

Access online via Google Books:

12) T.S. Arthur, “Model Husbands” in Godey’s Lady Book (1858)

The temperance author, T.S. Arthur was one of the first men to question the middle-class ideology of separate spheres. Arthur wrote a three-part series on “Model Husbands” (“A Bad Model,” “A Better Specimen,” and “A Good Model”) for Godey’s Lady’s Book—a magazine read primarily by women—in which he illustrated the correlation between a husband’s temperament and domestic happiness. Arthur insisted that men had domestic obligations, particularly in times of emergencies, which included but were not limited to soothing a crying baby if the mother was preparing the meal, and even cooking if neither the wife nor the cook were available to do the job. Yet, Arthur’s manifesto for masculine domestic generosity did not eschew the assumption of male superiority inherent in the ideology of domesticity. 
Below you will find (an abridged version of) the third installment in Arthur’s series. According to Arthur, the good husband not only took pleasure in spending time with his family, but also acknowledged that his ire had the power to upset the entire domestic equilibrium for which his wife had “so bravely struggle[ed].” Unlike, the “better specimen” in the second installment of Arthur’s series, a good husband reevaluated his frustrations before they had time to turn to anger, and actually improved his wife’s domestic performance by ‘selflessly’ crossing into his wife’s domestic sphere. Arthur pointed out that while a man’s work had definite temporal borders, “a woman’s… work was never done.” Yet far from “trespassing an inch on [his wife’s domestic’ prerogative,” a husband, like Henry Peterkin, acknowledged his wife’s inability to simultaneously prepare a meal and soothe their crying baby, and let “calmness” rather than “annoyance” fall  “upon the slightly [if unusually] troubled waters of his pleasant household.” However, while Arthur believed it was “never too late” for a man to learn how to be useful in the home, women would always be naturally “gentler and more skillful” in the domestic arena.
Given Arthur’s attempt at redefining masculine domesticity, it is curious that so few historians have reevaluated the salience of private (i.e. domestic), middle-class life on late nineteenth-century American masculinity. To be sure, the ideology of separate spheres emerged as part of the nineteenth-century consolidation of middle-class identity (see Catherine Beecher’s A Treatise on Domestic Economy). Yet, Arthur’s model for a good husband indicates the transformation, if not in practice then at least in cultural aspiration, of the nineteenth-century, middle-class American family; a transformation that was somewhat dependent on the predictability of Henry Peterkin’s supposedly secure corporate or bureaucratic working day. In fact, fatherhood and masculine domesticity was not the same as motherhood and feminine domesticity. Although Arthur seems to have rejected the absolute dichotomy between masculinity and domesticity promulgated by the ideology of separate spheres, the metalanguage of gender, nonetheless, permeated the wages of Henry Peterkin’s fatherhood. Arthur’s series on model husbands begs the question: did there exist a discrepancy between the conduct (or social reality) and the cultural construct of fatherhood?
If the way in which men, like T.S. Arthur, thought about fatherhood can help us understand how they thought about themselves as men, can the latter knowledge, in turn, help us understand the structure of male dominance in the nineteenth-century?

Access online via Accessible Archive Inc.:
“MODEL HUSBANDS. NO. I.— A BAD MODEL.”
“NO. III.— A GOOD MODEL.”

(c) Wish List

1)    Advertisements (e.g. selling products and services to the new ‘affectionate couple’)
a.     See Barbara Penner, “The Commercialization of Nineteenth-Century American Weddings”
                                               i.     Advertisement for Domestic Sewing Machine (1882)
                                             ii.     Advertisement for Reed & Barton, from Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper (1877)
                                            iii.     “The Diamond Wedding”, from Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper (1859)
                                            iv.     Spoon patterns. From T. Steele and Son, What Shall I Buy as a Present?: A Manual (1877)

2)    Parents Magazine (as well as other magazines like Woman’s Home Companion, Outlook)
3)    Angelo Patri Papers (Library of Congress)
4)    Legal and religious tracts (e.g. regarding implementation of welfare)


Assignment 3: T.S. Arthur, “MODEL HUSBANDS. NO. III— A GOOD MODEL” (1855)


"ANOTHER day's work done, thank fortune!" said Mr. Peterkin, throwing himself, with an air of careless satisfaction, in a reclining attitude on a bench…

Rising up quickly, as a thought crossed his mind, he added— "Woman's work, it is truly said, is never done. I must hurry off home, and see how poor Mary is getting along. She did not seem at all well when I left her at dinner-time."

"You don't expect to cook your supper, do you?" remarked an employee in the establishment where Mr. Peterkin was engaged, speaking with a slightly sneering expression.

"If cook should happen to be out, and wifey sick," was the smiling answer, "the kettle will not fail to reach the boiling point through my neglect or indifference. That's a fact."

"… I suppose you could dress the baby, on a pinch?"

"Haven't tried it yet; but we are never too old to learn, you know. Shouldn't object to an experiment in that line— for I love babies— if there was no woman's gentler and more skillful hand ready to do the work," cheerfully returned Peterkin….

"You don't despise women also, I hope?" said Peterkin….

"They are well enough in their place, and exceedingly useful… I leave to my wife the entire management of the kitchen and nursery, and never trespass an inch on her prerogative. It's as much as I can do to maintain the household. Her department is entirely distinct from mine. She never interferes with me, and I award to her a like immunity."

"How is it if a meal is late or badly cooked?" asked Peterkin.

"I grumble, of course— perhaps scold," said the other. "If I find the money to buy good food, and it is spoiled in cooking, I think I've a right to grumble. I should like to know what you do under similar circumstances?"


"Oh, dear, dear!" exclaimed the mother, whose nerves were already so excited that she only maintained exterior composure through the most earnest effort. "What is to be done? I can't bear to hear that poor sick child's cries; and, if I leave here, there's no telling when tea will be ready."

It only needed an impatient word from her husband to destroy the equilibrium for which Mrs. Peterkin was so bravely struggling. With him, at that moment, rested the happiness or unhappiness of his little household. He was depressed in body from weariness and hunger. He had looked forward to the evening meal with pleasure, and had expected to find it, as usual, on the table. Instead of this, he found his wife in a slightly worried state, and the supper he was so fully prepared to enjoy far from being ready. It had cost him a little effort to hide his disappointment on discovering the aspect of affairs, when he first came in; but he gave utterance to cheerful words, and these restored cheerful feelings.

Left alone, after his wife had gone to see after the evening meal, and his little daughter to quiet the baby, Mr. Peterkin's thoughts diverged into rather unusual channel for him, and he was actually saying to himself, "A little forecast on wifey's part would have prevented this," when the baby's loud screams disturbed him. It was rarely that he suffered anything to annoy him at home. Now, however, he did feel worried. An exhausted body left an exhausted mind... Then he arose, and was about passing into the kitchen to say, half impatiently, "Do let supper alone, and go up to the baby," when a better thought was born of a better purpose; and, instead of doing as at first inclined, he ascended to the chamber, and, taking the child, quickly soothed it with gentle tones and loving words.

… The good and the evil impulse were for a moment or two evenly balanced, but good preponderated, and a calmness fell upon the slightly troubled waters of his pleasant household. And such power every husband and father possesses; yet how few use their influence, at all times, well and wisely!

So interested did Mr. Peterkin soon become in the now quiet and happy babe, that he forgot all about his hunger and weariness.

…Peace drew that night around this humble family the curtains of repose….

'"And this is your 'good model' of a husband!" we hear some fine young lady, or "accomplished" gentleman, say, with a captious toss of the head. "So a man must nurse the baby, and stay at home and read to his wife every night while she darns the stockings, or else he is not a good husband, according to your wonderfully elevated standard!"

Here is a "model;" we have called it a good one. It is taken from humble life. If all husbands in every social grade, from the highest to the lowliest, will bear towards their wives the same unselfish regard that Mr. Peterkin bore towards his, there will be light in many dwellings where all now is darkness and discontent.

Saturday, January 30, 2016

Week Five Assignments

Abdulallah Arbabzadah
History 209S
2/3/16
Week Five Assignments
Assignment One
     My archive is the following: https://news.google.com/news/advanced_news_search?as_drrb=a. It is the google newspaper archive. It is deep with news articles, op-eds, and opinion pieces. I can use this archive to look at articles written about the Affordable Care Act since it was passed up until the current day. One can customize searches from looking at certain newspapers to certain time periods.
Assignment Two
     Here are the following “wish list” sources:
1.  The actual printed act itself
2.  Actual printed New York Times Articles about the act.
3.  Actual printed Washington Post Articles about the act.
4.  Actual printed La Times Articles about the act.
     Here are realistic sources:
News Articles:
     Annotation: The source is available online. The value is that it covers the individual mandate, the crux of the act. No problems with this source.
     Annotation: The source is available online. The value is that it covers reducing the uninsured rate, the main point of the Affordable Care Act. No problems with this source.
Research Institutions:
     Annotation: The source is available online. The value is that it covers the penalty for going without health insurance (the individual mandate). No problems with this source.
Website on the Act Itself:     
      Annotation: The source is available online. The value is that it covers the employer mandate, the penalty for large insurers not covering their employees. No problems with this source.
      Annotation: The source is available online. The value is that it covers the Affordable Care Act’s effect on jobs. No problems with this source.
     10.  http://acasignups.net/.
      Annotation: The source is available online. The value is that it covers the number of people covered with private insurance plans under the Affordable Care Act. No problems with this source.
Assignment Three

     "Who first proposed making health insurance compulsory? 
The Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank. In the late 1980s, when Democrats were pushing to require employers to provide health insurance, the foundation started thinking about ways to achieve universal coverage without placing a heavy burden on business. Its experts soon encountered the "free rider" problem: In a system where insurers are barred from refusing applicants with pre-existing conditions, many people — especially the young and healthy — would only buy a policy when illness struck. But if only sick people bought coverage, insurers would pay out more in doctors' bills than they received in premiums, and quickly go bust. To overcome this death spiral, the Heritage Foundation suggested that every American be required to buy health insurance, a requirement known as the individual mandate.
Which politicians took up that idea? 
Many Republicans did in the early 1990s, after President Clinton introduced a plan that would have forced companies to cover employees. "I am for people, individuals — exactly like automobile insurance — having health insurance and being required to have health insurance," said Newt Gingrich, then House minority whip, in 1993. When the Clinton plan collapsed in 1994, talk of the individual mandate died with it. But a decade later, Mitt Romney, then the governor of Massachusetts, resurrected the concept for his state health-care plan, which requires residents to buy health insurance or pay up to $1,212 in annual penalties. "It's a Republican way of reforming the market," Romney said when the law debuted, in 2006. "[To have] people show up [at a hospital] when they get sick, and expect someone else to pay, that's a Democratic approach."
So why did Obama adopt a Republican proposal? 
At first, he didn't want to. During his 2008 campaign for the Democratic nomination, Obama ran a TV ad criticizing rival candidate Hillary Clinton's support for a mandate, saying she would force everyone "to buy insurance, even if you can't afford it." But after President Obama and the Democratic Congress began to construct his health-care plan, advisers warned that free riders would undermine the objectives of extending insurance coverage to anyone who wanted it. For health reform to work, young, healthy people had to be pushed into the pool, to spread cost and risk. So the president allowed his 2010 Affordable Care Act to incorporate a provision that, by 2014, all Americans must have health coverage or face a tax penalty. Conservatives decried that directive as a gross infringement of individual liberty, and their anger helped fuel the rise of the Tea Party. Twenty-six states and the National Federation of Independent Business are now challenging the mandate's constitutionality at the Supreme Court, which will make a final judgment by June.
How has Obama responded? 
His administration argues that the mandate is authorized by the Constitution's commerce clause, which allows the federal government to regulate interstate economic activity. Several conservative judges agree. In a November appeals court decision that upheld the mandate, Judge Laurence Silberman, a Reagan appointee, declared that Congress must "be free to forge national solutions to national problems." And this summer, Judge Jeffrey Sutton — a George W. Bush appointee to the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals — concluded that the individual mandate is a legally sound way to prevent taxpayers and hospitals from having to pick up the cost of treating the uninsured. "Not every intrusive law is an unconstitutionally intrusive law," he wrote.
Haven't other judges disagreed?
Yes. In August, the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals declared that it could find no precedent for ordering Americans to buy health insurance. "Even in the face of a Great Depression, a World War, a Cold War, recessions, oil shocks, inflation, and unemployment," the majority wrote, "Congress never sought to require the purchase of wheat or war bonds, force a higher savings rate or greater consumption of American goods." Other federal judges and critics of "Obamacare" warn that the mandate sets a dangerous precedent that the government could use to make citizens purchase whatever it deems good for them — or for the economy. "Congress could require every American to buy a new Chevy Impala every year," said a 2009 Heritage Foundation report.
What happens if the individual mandate is voided?
It depends. If the Supreme Court decides that the Affordable Care Act can't function without the individual mandate, it could strike down the entire law. But it might declare the mandate "severable," and remove that particular part of the law, while letting the rest of it limp along, with far fewer uninsured people covered and less ability to rein in costs. Some experts have proposed that instead of the uninsured being required to buy insurance, they could be "nudged" into the health-care system by giving them a window of time during which they could buy insurance relatively inexpensively; once that window closed, the cost would rise sharply. The problem with any alternative to the individual mandate, said Paul Ginsburg, president of the Center for Studying Health System Change, is that it would have to be approved by the bitterly divided Congress. "You can't expect that in these times," he said. "People don't work on these compromises too readily anymore."
How the Supreme Court could punt
Next year's Supreme Court hearing has been billed as judgment day for Obama's Affordable Care Act. But it might end with no judgment at all. Before the justices rule on the individual mandate's constitutionality, they will first have to decide whether the 1867 Anti-Injunction Act bars the claimants' challenge. That law prevents citizens from challenging the legality of a tax before it goes into effect. If the court finds that the penalty for defying the Affordable Care Act's mandate is a tax, they could push a legal challenge back to 2015, when the first fines will be levied. And that, said Simon Lazarus, an expert at the National Senior Citizens Law Center, might "be a good solution for a court that doesn't really care to be Public Issue No. 1 in an election year.""



  



                                 

Wednesday, January 27, 2016

Paper Proposal

For over three centuries African American women have balanced their roles as productive participants in the workforce while upholding traditions of mothering for racial liberation, cultural pride, and community uplift. As Evelyn Nakano argues, it is important to consider simultaneously “women’s relation to the family, the labor market and the larger political economy in which both family and employment are embedded” (1995). While the broader, mainstream account of women’s entrance into the American workforce is rather extensive, less discussed is African-Americans’ women in this narrative. Dominant white-middle class social norms conflicted both with African-based attitudes towards female productive and reproductive labor, and also the realities of African-American women’s working lives within the United States.

During the Civil Rights Movement, African American women had their hopes and aspirations for greater educational and professional opportunities increased. They anticipated that government policies, including affirmative action, educational grants and loans, government funding for small businesses and the like, would result in unlimited opportunities for African Americans, including women. Indeed, it was during the subsequent years that African American women made their greatest occupational gains and the income gap between African American women and men was substantially narrowed.

I would like my paper to contextualize these women’s entrances and experiences into the professional fields with their traditional ties to motherhood and homemaking duties. My paper will argue that African-American women’s exploration into the professional realms have been limited to certain fields due to how closely the intertwining of their identities as women with concept of motherhood. Even the professions to which black women initially flocked, and continue to populate in high numbers, such as teaching school, nursing and social work, are all viewed as “motherly” or “helping” professions. For example, Catalyst researchers concluded that African-American women are the most underrepresented ethnic group of women in management positions of private sector companies (Bell & Nkomo 2001). Even today, Ursula Burns is the only Black female head of a Fortune 500 corporation.

I hope to find, as primary sources, autobiographical or memoir narratives, or even interview, African-American women with post-graduate degrees. Stephanie Shaw’s What a Woman Ought to Be and Do, an account of African-American professional women during the Jim Crow era. I would also love to find accounts from women in fields such as medicine, law, business and academia. I am also interested in exploring the portrayals of Black professional women through the lens of twentieth century media such as The Cosby Show’s Claire Huxtable. In analyzing the formation and purpose of upper-class African-American cultural institutions such as the mother’s organizations Jack and Jill of America, Inc., one can see how closely linked professional African-American women were with the idea of motherhood.


While I hope to create a bold, yet logical narrative, I am not sure if the evidence I gather will align with my preliminary thesis. My perfunctory research is demonstrating that while Black women do tend to value motherhood a great deal, they are much likelier to be working mothers than their counterparts of other ethnic groups. They also tend, anecdotally, to have higher aspirations of management and executive positions as college students than do White and Latino women. In light of some of the evidence I have found so far, I am not sure if my evidence will allow me to explain Black women’s lack of representation in the professional fields requiring post-graduate degrees through the lens Black women’s close ties to motherhood.