Tuesday, January 26, 2016

Week Four Reading Response Dan Ruprecht

Dan Ruprecht
History 209S
Week 4 Reading Responses

On Waldstreicher
            A successful confidence man—or woman—must be able to manipulate his audience’s expectations and assumptions in order to take advantage of them and accomplish his own goal. David Waldstreicher’s “Reading the Runaways” asks us to consider escaped slaves of the late-colonial period in the mid-Atlantic as such con-artists, playing in the era’s racial and economic ambiguities to pass as free. These typically educated, always well-spoken runaways constituted a part of the “racially mixed alternative public,” evolving alongside Benjamin Franklin’s upper-class republic cosmopolitanism. Waldstreicher’s paper takes runaway advertisements, placed in the burgeoning newspapers of America by chagrined slave-owners looking to find and reclaim their lost property, as the first slave narratives and explores how their rhetoric exemplifies the “profitable contradictions of the mid-Atlantic labor system.”
            Waldstreicher’s primary goal is to show how the runaway advertisements can be read by historians for (at least) two purposes: to examine how the men and women who escaped bondage were able to refashion their identities (the “con-artists”), and to further explore how the press bolstered the status quo of the master class, even while incidentally exposing the discrepancy between a slave’s ability, skills, and education against his representation in the ads (the “contradictions”).
To prove the former, Waldstreicher concentrates on three key attributes of identity: dress, language, and abilities, all of which successful runaways were adept in camouflaging. A runaway slave did not need to pass as white in the late-colonial period, but only as free, and the advertisements explain to the historian exactly how the escapees could accomplish this. The long catalogs of clothing stolen from masters in runaway ads is a testament to the escapees ability to recreate himself as a different character in a time when it was likely most people owned one or two outfits. Thus it was necessary to the master class, who desired “to identify unfree laborers as phenotypically different” to capitalize on supposed “racial” qualities to identify their labor, be it skin color or hairstyles. Hairstyles could be changed, however, (and wigs worn) as easily as names could be fabricated, so advertisers tried to identify their property by skills and quality or style of speech. In this topic, Waldstreicher’s two goals align: in self-fashioning, the quick-witted escaped slave could work inside of expected racial and class roles in order to hide or pass as someone else.
The obvious difficulty of studying a runaway advertisement as a slave narrative is their author, the master. We must understand their goals and assumptions to learn about the men and women of whom they wrote. Waldstreicher focuses on how slave owners took to moralism to recapture their slaves, quick to point out how a slave’s proclivity to dishonesty (a necessary tactic for the con-artist), purported religion (even of those slaves who acted as ministers), as well as tendency to run away were moral failings. Masters who scornfully noted in their advertisements that their escaped “property” was liable to take on false names, quick to invent plausible stories, and ready to pose as pious or high class were thereby simultaneously affirming their slaves agency and intellect while attempting to portray these qualities as villainous.

On Chauncey
            George Chauncey takes pre-War New York City as the prototypical gay community and wrote to disprove the three myths embodied by the metaphor of “the closet”: isolation, invisibility, and internalization. In exploring the gay world—or worlds—of New York City between 1890—1940, he deconstructs the expectations that we have of gay life before the collective political movements to come later in the twentieth century, or, as he says, before the “decline of the fair and the rise of the closet.” The closet metaphor itself is an anachronism that distorts our understanding of the gay world before the 1960’s, clouding our vision of the extensive and vibrant gay communities that lived and worked all over the country, at least up until the 1930’s (when “the state built a closet… and forced gay people to hide in it”). He particularly wants to fight against the popular linear narrative that all change is progressive, moving towards freedom for gay peoples, by showing how tolerance of gay people changed in the twentieth century, as well as problematizing the fighting against the hetero/homosexual binarism that is currently the norm by explaining how sexual and gender identity related to one another—in other words, “queerness” was as much about “effeminacy” as homosexuality.  
            In exploring the definition of “homosexual,” Chauncey launches into an exploration of the etymology of the slang attached to the gay world, then as well as now. Thus “queer” is made distinct from “gay,” just as “flaming faggot” from “fairy.” The unstated historical premise is that an understanding of the words’ original uses and users—how those outside of the gay world spoke about those in it, the differences between African-American gay vernacular and white American—is necessary to understand both the historical context and what the words have come to mean. Put simply, the author assumes that he must start by defining his terms, especially because much of the slang has carried over to contemporary use but changed in definition.
            Chauncey locates himself inside a rather modern tradition of historians reworking our understanding of hidden communities, like the gay world in American history. His references to other contemporary historians of sexuality in the introduction are meant to show a growing corpus of scholarship on homosexuality in America, both contextualizing his own work in the new tradition and showing the next historians ought to apply themselves.
            The second chapter of his book is concerned with separating the notions of cultural gender and anatomical sex to get at what goes into the identity of a fairy. Again, Chauncey’s presumption is that to define fairy and bisexual as used in the gay world is the first (and perhaps most important) step to understanding the gay world.

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