Tuesday, January 26, 2016

Topic Statement Dan Ruprecht



Dan Ruprecht
History 209S
Topic Statement

Zoot Suit Manhood

            Before his family was displaced by Dodger Stadium, Gene Cabral grew up in the Chavez Ravine in Los Angeles, California. He turned 15 in 1943, still too young to follow his four older brothers to join the military. He remembers writing to one of his brothers, a Marine: “He was in four major battles in the Pacific. He was my hero. I wrote him in respect to the riots. He couldn't believe it. He was so ticked off. Here he was fighting, and we were getting beat up because of our dress, which, looking back now, was probably just an excuse. I'm pretty sure now that people were just racist.”[1] Cabral’s story, like his analysis of the Zoot Suit Riots, is typical. While the servicemen who attacked Mexican American youths across Los Angeles and then the nation cited the young men’s subversion of the war effort or lack of patriotism, the fact remains that most of those boys planned on serving once they became of age and had family in the military.[2] Race, then, seems to have been the primary motivator of the attacks.
            No doubt, of course, the truth is much more complicated. Los Angeles mayor Fletcher Bowron maintained that the riots—during which hundreds of American servicemen, mainly sailors, beat and stripped hundreds of Mexican Americans, and for which upwards of 600 Mexican Americans were arrested—were caused by “juvenile delinquents”.[3] Media at the time capitalized on this interpretation, portraying the riots as the “Zoot Suit Front,” and telling how the heroic American servicemen were fighting against a perceived “Mexican crime wave.”[4] Neither of these interpretations hold water against even the slightest investigation—there was no crime wave. So, there is a case to be made that the Zoot Suits themselves, the incredibly conspicuous suits, were the reason for the riots: that the soldiers were outraged by the Zooters’ affinity for extravagance, using rationed fabric and wearing expensive watch chains which, during wartime, seemed an assault on patriotism. But again, many of the young Mexican Americans who were attacked did not wear the suit, and most of these boys worked in wartime factories and planned on joining the military. Thus, as Cabral says, “I’m pretty sure that people were just racist.”
            I believe, however, that there is still more going on. Servicemen focused on public humiliation, burning and urinating on the zooter’s clothing while the boys watched, naked and beaten. These kinds of attacks focus on establishing the dominance of the servicemen, first by physically forcing the boys into submission (beatings) and then shaming them (burning their clothes). It is a style of attack which, I propose, was motivated in no small part by clashing ideas of what it meant to be a man in America.
            The young pachucos, as they called themselves, were parts of families recently migrated to America who felt doubly alienated; both their Mexican roots and their American surroundings seemed foreign. They responded, as other subcultures of ethnic minorities in the United States have, when confronted with rejection on all sides, by loud self-assertions of manhood and sexuality. This meant conspicuous suits, a brazen attitude of non-compliance to the point of arrogance, and the oft-repeated insult “cock-sucker!” hurled at each other and at the servicemen, calling each’s sexual identity into question. This, I think, alongside the racial aspect, ought to be considered the attacks’ motivation. To be “a man” in America meant different things to different communities, but one was empowered by the state to employ violence upon the other, and did so to reassert their manhood.
            Thankfully for my research, there is an abundance of primary source material from both sides. Over the past 70 years, interest in the topic has grown and there are many interviews of living pachucos to place against the newspapers and sailors’ letters of the day. Most secondary literature has still focused on the racial aspect of the conflict and will help contextualize my discussion.
            The Zoot Suit Riots are, without a doubt, one of the defining moments of the Mexican American experience. Analysis of the attacks racially has already provided insight into how each group saw themselves and their perceived aggressor, and it has provided a firm base for the study of the modern Mexican American experience. What I propose to do will add a new topic to that discussion by exploring how the conflict was gendered as well. A better understanding of pachuco manhood, in contradistinction to the idealized American soldier’s manhood, forces the historian to confront the ever-relevant questions: what does it mean to be a man? Who can be a man? Who dictates these answers, and what’s the punishment for not following the rules? I cannot offer answers, but my analysis of the topic will, hopefully, complicate the discussion.


[1] Baeder, Ben, “Zoot Suit Riots: Racism underlies week of violence in Los Angeles” San Gabriel Valley Tribune (California, June 1, 2013).
[2]  Pagan, E.O. “Los Angeles Geopolitics and the Zoot Suit Riot, 1943.” Social Science History, Spring 2004, no 24, p237
[3] “Zoot Suit Riots," Britannica Academic, accessed January 26, 2016, http://academic.eb.com/EBchecked/topic/1317905/Zoot-Suit-Riots.
[4] Ibid

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