Tuesday, February 9, 2016

Sophie Chase, Introduction Assignment Week 6

Introduction, Sophie Chase 

“Between the barracks,” recalled Japanese-American and former Jerome internee, Sada Murayana, “there was a trellis with morning glories, forming a tunnel of flowers. One block in particular was a showplace. Any outside visitors were taken there.” Perhaps an unremarkable scene to the busy passerby today these small purple and pink flowers certainly captured Murayana’s attention. That they not only captured Murayana’s attention, but also were captivating enough to warrant a visit from “outside visitors,” is compelling. Upon further consideration however, perhaps that Murayana and other internees were enchanted with small flowers freely blossoming within the bared wire confines of a World War Two U.S. Japanese Internment camp is not so surprising. For the over 120,000 Japanese Americans that the U.S. government forcibly relocated and replanted in harsh, desolate and unfamiliar locations across the United States following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, an otherwise insignificant flower, humble tomato plant or indistinguishable patch of grass on the outside would have quite possibly meant something much more on the inside. During a period in American history in which the garden, as historian Cecilia Gowdy-Wygant has shown, became synonymous with victory, patriotism and American identity, it is not so farfetched to consider the garden as transcending its own conventional “purpose,” whatever that may be, to then say something more about Japanese American experience, responses to confinement and identity. Perhaps then that Japanese American internees planted morning glories among barracks, cultivated communal “victory gardens,” in line with U.S. government sponsored “food for victory” movements and arranged stones, water and wood to form Japanese Shima all under the watchful eyes of the U.S. government and War Relocation Authority (WRA) officials is neither as paradoxical nor as surprising as it may seem from the outside of the barbed wire.
That the garden can be understood as a site of creative coping, resistance and identity making within a confined space is not a new concept. Through a rich collection of historical works on the experiences of confined persons in a variety of spaces from POW camps to WWII era, Jewish ghettos, editors Gilly Carr and Harold Mytum showcase how prisoners, internees and captured persons creatively engaged with the “materiality of their lives” to combat boredom, cope with horrible conditions or even resist authority. In the particular case of Japanese American internment, no historian has shed light on internees use of the garden as form of creative coping and “place-making” better than Iowa State Professor Jane E. Dusselier. Often forcibly relocated to hostile and unfamiliar spaces multiple times, Japanese American internes looked to the land to engage in what Dusselier coins, “re-terriorialization.” By altering barren and dusty “spaces” into “places” marked by flowers, vegetable and rock garden, Japanese American internees made “space” that was not their own, legally, into safe “places” they could not only identity with, but could also up-root and take with them during the relocation process.
Although Dusselier’s argument for gardens role in “portable place-making” in Japanese American internment camps is altogether conclusive, she only discusses gardens as sites of identity-making and subversive resistance to authority in Japanese Americans internment camps briefly. Moreover, as historian Jere Takahashi correctly points out, Japanese-Americans were without a single national and cultural identity during WWII due to generational differences, which led to considerable tensions within the group. Dusselier, however, fails to make any distinction between Nisei and Issei use of the internment garden spaces, thus generalizing the experience with these spaces across generations. Finally the flower, vegetable and rock gardens of Japanese American internment camps at times complemented and at other times stood in stark contrast to the popular “victory garden” imagery projected by the U.S. Government to the American public in pamphlets, posters and other visual media. That Japanese Americans, at least to a certain extent, appeared to buy into the idea of the “victory garden,” and what it stood for, despite having been propagated by the very government that unfairly condemned them seems paradoxical and deserves serious consideration. A creative space that has long captured the imagination of United States and its individuals, the garden, particularly the “victory,” garden, demands closer examination. It is has implications not only for understanding how we can use non-conventional ways of examining the human experience, but also understanding more specifically how Japanese Americans navigated confined spaces, negotiated seemingly contradictory identities of “American-ness,” and “Japanese-ness,” and formed responses to WRA and U.S. government authority.







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